Background on Key Figures and Their Relevance
Rubén Rocha Moya, the current governor of Sinaloa, has followed a pattern similar to his predecessor by initiating legal actions against his main political rivals. Recently, Ahome’s mayor, Gerardo Vargas Landeros, has found himself under the threat of being stripped of his position—a move sparked by an investigation conducted by the State Audit Office. Subsequently, the Attorney General’s office has launched legal proceedings against municipal officials affiliated with the Morena party, accusing them of alleged damages to public funds.
Governor Rocha Moya’s Previous Actions
In the early stages of his term, Rocha Moya targeted alcaldes in Mazatlán (Luis Guillermo Benítez Torres), Culiacan (Jesús Estrada Ferreiro) who were supported by the majority of Morena in the local Congress. These substitute mayors, backed by the governor, struggled to address the escalating insecurity and economic stagnation in Sinaloa’s capital, further exacerbated by drought and tariffs affecting agricultural producers.
Political Maneuvering and Local Implications
As the political unrest continues in Sinaloa, the resurgence of former governor Mario López Valdés has been locally interpreted as a Priista attempt to regain influence in the northwestern state. This coincides with a realignment within the tricolor party—brokered by Malova and national leader Alito Moreno Cárdenas—that would benefit current Senator Paloma Sánchez and local legislator Bernardino Antelo.
The potential replacement of Paola Gárate as PRI leader in Sinaloa would signify this agreement’s most visible manifestation, with César Emiliano Gerardo, a close associate of López Valdés, being anointed.
Impact on Sinaloa’s Political Landscape
With two years left in Rocha Moya’s term, political agitation persists amidst growing unease among Sinaloans due to violence and economic challenges. Vargas Landeros has emerged as a potential successor, similar to former Secretary of Government and current Senator Enrique Inzunza. Both have faced criticism for their performance as state officials and pending lawsuits, strategically stalled in the local judiciary.
Secondary Effects
MONSTRUOSO: The Institute for Telecommunications Rights criticized the power concentration resulting from the federal executive’s initiative. This specialized body deemed a legislative overhaul essential due to new technologies, artificial intelligence, and unfair competition. The approved proposal in the upper house was deemed a pale imitation of the 2014 Peña Nieto reform, worsened by the establishment of the Digital Transformation Agency. If left unaltered, it would improperly annul constitutional powers assigned to the Economy and Interior Secretariats.
SOMBRAS: The PAN-PRI coalition’s fleeting success in the 2024 elections highlights the insignificance of partisan leadership. Their limited achievements were confined to defeating Morena in Coahuila, Durango, and Nuevo León’s northern regions. For local elections in Veracruz and Durango, they’ve adopted the same strategy but with cautious forecasts. However, their alcaldes have been controversial; for instance, in Durango City and Monterrey—Mexico’s most significant city governed by a Frenteista, the priista Adrián de la Garza—promised change but delivered poorly, especially in security and environmental matters. The poor results are inversely proportional to the involvement of Integra Consultores’ head, Alejandra Sota, a former presidential chief of staff who ventured into these regions alongside Paco Cienfuegos.
