The Vacuum Fear of the 4T: How Authoritarianism is Spreading in Mexico

Web Editor

June 20, 2025

a typewriter with a face drawn on it and a caption for the words opinion and a question, Edward Otho

Understanding Authoritarianism and the Vacuum Fear

One common characteristic of authoritarianism is the “horror vacui,” a fear of empty space or vacuum. Authoritarians don’t just want political power; they aim to extend their control to every level, dictating who votes, what people consume, their aspirations, attire, and speech. They achieve this by gradually taking control of both public and private institutions, influencing customs and language, and deciding what is correct or not.

The Rise of Authoritarianism under AMLO

Several years ago, in 2019, when AMLO’s administration had just begun its term, it was noted that his rule was progressing towards a slow-motion coup d’état. By controlling the military, AMLO managed to win over the armed forces, something previous presidents like Calderón and Peña failed to accomplish. He achieved this through significant concessions in business deals and tasks typically reserved for civilians.

AMLO started implementing legal and extralegal changes, launching strong campaigns accusing private businesses from various sectors (e.g., pharmaceuticals, energy production) of corruption. These businesses were easily subdued as loyal ones received lucrative contracts.

By the end of his term, AMLO had gained control over Congress and now the Judicial Power, INE, and TEPJF. Media outlets were cornered until many chose not to confront him directly. The 4T embarked on a campaign to censor those resisting, with subtle censorship from the federal government and overt censorship in Campeche and Puebla.

The Role of Crime Organizations in Media Control

For years, crime organizations (CO) managed to control almost all state media through threats, kidnappings, and assassinations. Often, the alliance between CO and popular functionaries was evident. Criticizing local officials could lead to a death sentence.

According to Article 19, 172 journalists have been killed since the year 2000 due to their work. During AMLO’s six-year term, there were 47 such deaths, and under Claudia Sheinbaum’s administration, five have been reported so far. While these deaths may not be directly attributed to federal or state governments, the connections between some governments and CO raise concerns. Ultimately, all these killings are the responsibility of the government due to the lack of effective protection or prosecution of perpetrators, sending a message that such censorship is acceptable.

Censorship Laws and Media Control

The controversial censorship law of Puebla, which penalizes cyberstalking against those insulted or offended on social media or digital platforms, remains in effect despite criticism from Article 19 and other organizations. They argue that the law is ambiguous and poses risks to freedom of expression.

Sheinbaum’s reluctance to criticize the case in Campeche, where a judge linked journalist and former Tribuna director Jorge Luis González to inciting hatred and violence against Layda Sansores, the Campeche governor, further exemplifies this trend. The judge ordered the closure of Tribuna’s page and imposed a two-year ban on González, among other penalties.

Ambiguities in Telecommunications Law

The Federal Telecommunications Law, currently under consideration in Congress, has undergone consultations and proposed reforms. However, experts warn that it still contains ambiguities and concerning elements.

Mysterious Dismissals and Self-Censorship

The dismissals or “exit strategies” of some journalists, including highly successful ones, may also be a way to silence critical voices. Whether due to owners’ decisions or government “suggestions,” many such cases occurred during the previous administration, involving journalists like Carlos Loret de Mola, Adela Micha, Rubén Cortés, Víctor Trujillo, Ricardo Rocha, Federico Berrueto, Javier Solórzano, Sergio Sarmiento, Azucena Uresti, and numerous others.

Additional instances of harassment or legal threats against Héctor de Mauleón, Lourdes Mendosa, Raymundo Riva Palacio, Denise Dresser, and the attempted assassination of journalist Ciro Gómez Leyva demonstrate that these censorship cases are not isolated but part of a pattern driven by a government intent on minimizing or silencing criticism.

Key Questions and Answers

  • What is the “horror vacui” mentioned in the article? It refers to the authoritarian tendency to extend control beyond political power, dictating various aspects of life and society.
  • How has AMLO’s administration contributed to authoritarianism in Mexico? By controlling the military, implementing changes that benefit loyal businesses, and gradually taking over key institutions like Congress and the Judicial Power, AMLO’s administration has advanced authoritarian tendencies.
  • What role do crime organizations play in media control? Crime organizations have exerted significant influence over state media through threats and violence, creating an environment where criticizing local officials can be life-threatening.
  • What is the controversy surrounding the censorship law in Puebla? Critics argue that the law is ambiguous and poses risks to freedom of expression, as it penalizes online behavior that could be interpreted broadly.
  • Why are mysterious dismissals of journalists a concern? These cases suggest that critical voices are being silenced through self-censorship or direct intervention, contributing to a broader pattern of authoritarian behavior.